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LABOUR-PREC-001 Alþjóðastofnun
Vinnumarkaður Fordæmi
During the Greek sovereign-debt crisis (2010–2018), the Troika (European Commission, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund) required Greece to undertake radical labour-market reforms as conditions of three successive bailout programmes (Memoranda of Understanding signed 2010, 2012, 2015). Key changes imposed under the first two Memoranda: (1) the national general collective agreement was overridden in 2012, with statutory minimum wages cut by 22% (and 32% for workers under 25); (2) automatic extension of sectoral collective agreements ('extension principle') was suspended; (3) the after-life of expired collective agreements was reduced from 6 to 3 months; (4) firm-level agreements were given priority over sectoral agreements; (5) the right of unions to negotiate firm-level agreements was extended to 'associations of persons' representing as few as 60% of employees. The cumulative effect: collective-bargaining coverage in Greece fell from approximately 85% in 2009 to roughly 25–40% by 2015 (estimates vary). The reforms were imposed as conditionality, not as standard EU policy, and were partially reversed in 2016–2018 (national general collective agreement re-signed 2016; some extension provisions restored). The European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) and the ILO criticised aspects of the reforms as inconsistent with international labour standards.

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Eurofound — Troika approves new set of changes in jobs and pay; ETUC — The Functioning of the Troika

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Fyrirvarar

The Greek experience is a key reference point in arguments that EU institutions can impose labour-market reforms in crisis conditions. Important context: (1) these were bailout conditions, not standard EU policy applied to all members; (2) Iceland would not be subject to a Troika programme through ordinary EU accession — only if it sought a bailout having joined the euro and lost monetary independence; (3) Iceland's own 2008–2010 IMF programme was not a Troika programme and did not entail comparable collective-bargaining changes; (4) Greece's reforms have been partially reversed since 2016; (5) Cyprus, Portugal, and Ireland faced milder labour-market conditionality than Greece. Critics and supporters disagree whether the reforms are a feature or a bug of EU crisis governance.

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